NACAL 1997Twenty-Fifth Annual
Meeting
Miami, Florida (March 21-23,
1997)
Schedule
OverviewPreliminary
Schedule
- Friday, 21 March
- 10:00 Jonathan Owens (Universitaet Bayreuth)
"Loanwords
in Nigerian Arabic: A Quantitative Approach" - 10:40 Reuben Ahroni (Ohio State University)
"A Unique
Yemenite Judeo-Arabic Dialect" - 11:20 Roni Henkin
(University of California/Berkeley)
"Palestinian Bedouin Narrative
Styles"
(Break) - 1:30 Nili Mandelblit (University of California/San
Diego)
"The Piel (D) and Hiphil (H) Verbal Stems in Hebrew: A New
Aproach to Characterizing Their Semantic Function" - 2:10 Ora Schwarzwald (Bar Ilan University & Emory
University)
"Theoretical and Practical Issues in Modern Hebrew Word
Foreignness" - 2:50 Yona Sabar (University of
California/Los Angeles)
"The Morphology of the Feminine Nouns and
Adjectives in Jewish Neo-Aramaic of Zakho and
Vicinity"
(Break) - 3:40 Clarissa
Burt (Ohio University/Athens)
"Recombinametrics of Deictic
Particles in Arabic and Semitic" - 4:20 Ali Alalou
(Columbia University)
"Two Berber Deictics n &
d: From Pragmatics to Syntax"
- Saturday, 22 March
9:00 Gábor
Takács (Eötvös Loránd University)
"Towards
the Etymology of the Name of Osiris"- 9:40 Carleton T.
Hodge (Indiana University)
"The Etymology of
'nx"
(Break) - 10:40 Leo Depuydt
(Brown University)
"The Origin and Development of the Ancient Egyptian
Suffix Conjugation"
- 11:20 Sherin
Abdel-Halim (University of London/SOAS)
"Emotiveness in Colloquial
Egyptian Arabic: A Case Study"
(Break) - 1:30 Beverley Goodman (Eastern
Michigan University)
"Length Dissimilation and Phonetic Duration in
Oromo" - 2:10 Lionel Bender (Southern Illinois University at
Carbondale)
"Plurality in Omotic"
- 2:50 Herrmann Jungraithmayr
(Goethe-University)
"Two extremes of Chadic: Mokilko and Tangale in
Contrast"
(Break) - 3:40 Jonathan
Owens (Universitaet Bayreuth)
"Case and Proto-Arabic" - 4:20 Christopher Ehret (AFF)
"The Lessons of Deep-Time
Historical-Comparative Reconstruction in Afroasiatic: Reflections on
Reconstructing Proto-Afroasiatic: Vowels, Tone, Consonants, and
Vocabulary"
- Sunday, 23
March
- 10:00 David Testen (University of
Pennsylvania)
"Some Semitic Feminine Nouns with Anomalous Plural
Morphology" - 10:40 Chulhyun Bae (Harvard
University)
"The Origin of the Old Akkadian So-Called 'Subjunctive
Marker' -u" - 11:20 Olga Kapeliuk
(Hebrew University)
"A Special Construction of State
(haal) in Ethio-Semitic"
(Break) - 2:00-5:30 Joint Panel with the American Oriental
Society
- Benjamin Hary (Emory University)
Linguistic
Notes on an Egyptian Judeo-Arabic Translation of Genesis - Baruch A.
Levine (New York University)
Some Linguistic Features of the Nabatean
Legal Papyri from Nahal Hever - David F. Graf (University of
Miami)
The Relationship of Safaitic and Thamudic "E" in Pre-Islamic
Arabic Epigraphy - Peter Daniels (University of
Chicago)
Byblos Matrix and Ras Shamra Chimera - Alan S. Kaye
(California State University/Fullerton)
Comparative Afroasiatic
Linguistics: A Review of Two Recent Dictionaries - Gábor
Takács (Eötvös Loránd University)
Ancient
Semito-Hamitic Substrate in Proto-Indo-European - Gary Holland
(University of California/Berkeley
Relativization in the Masat
Texts - Michael Zwettler (Ohio State University)
On the Identity of
'L 'SDYN and NZRW in the Namara Inscription
To return to the
Beginning.
- Venues:
- The sessions scheduled for Friday, Saturday, and the first
half of Sunday will all take place in the Crowne Plaza Hotel
in downtown Miami (1601 Biscayne Boulevard, Miami, Florida USA 33132).
The Crowne Plaza is located fifteen minutes from Miami International
Airport - follow the signs indicating the "Port of Miami" to SR 836 East
(which becomes I-395), exit left at Biscayne Boulevard and then head
north three blocks. The "Supershuttle" has pickup points at the airport
baggage areas; the fare is $9.00.
The Crowne Plaza is a recently
renovated 528-room hotel overlooking Biscayne Bay. It adjoins the Omni
Mall (a large shopping center) and contains a fitness center, a rooftop
pool, and several dining areas (a seafood restaurant, a Latin/Caribbean
bistro, and a sports bar).
- As is traditional, the Sunday
afternoon session of NACAL will be held jointly with the session on
"Ancient Near Eastern Linguistics" which opens the 207th Meeting of the
American Oriental Society. This session, as well as the remainder of the
AOS meeting, will take place in the Miami Hyatt Regency Hotel (400
S.E. 2nd Avenue, Miami, Florida 33131-2197 (1-800-233-1234). The Hyatt
Regency is approximately a mile from the Crowne Plaza; the two hotels are
connected by the downtown Miami "MetroMover" rail
shuttle.
- Lodging:
Rooms are
available at the Crowne Plaza at the conference rate of $80/night + tax
(single or double). Please contact the hotel directly and identify
yourself as a "NACAL" participant.
Crowne Plaza
Hotel
1601 Biscayne Boulevard
Miami, Florida USA
33132
Telephone: (305) 374-0000/1-800-227-6963
Please
note that March 7 is the deadline for making reservations at the
conference rate.
If you are interested in locating another NACAL
participant who would like to share a room, please contact the conference
organizer (David Testen at "ddtesten@sas.upenn.edu"), who will be happy
to put you in touch with those who have expressed a similar
interest.
- Registration:
If you
wish to preregister, please send a check to "David Testen" in the sum of
$30 payable on a U.S. bank to the address below.
Include your name, current mailing address, and a current electronic mail
address or fax number. Registration will also be possible at the
conference.
To return to the Beginning.
Sherin Abdel-Halim (University of London/SOAS):
Emotiveness in Colloquial Egyptian Arabic: A Case StudyIn
this paper, translation of colloquial Egyptian Arabic emotive expressions
into English is addressed, from the points of view of Linguistics and
Translation. An analysis of an Egyptian colloquial play, written by
Saa'd-eddin Wahba, provides data from which examples of emotiveness are
analysed. The play is a comedy written in colloquial Egyptian dialect and
represents modern literature. It was written with the intention of being
presented on stage, and can thus be representative of the everyday
language that would be spoken by an Egyptian in any of the contexts set
out in it. The data taken from this play discloses main types of
emotiveness. They are discussed in full through many representative
Arabic lexical items that the writer uses, as well as their equivalents
in the target language. Sources of emotiveness and means of manipulating
it are crucial to this debate. An explanation of the possible ways of
rendering such expressions effectively into English
follows.
Translating from Arabic dialect is especially difficult
in certain aspects. It is more difficult than translating from Modern
Standard Arabic into English, due to the extended use of emotive and
cultural-bound expressions. Such emotive expressions present us with a
dilemma of lexical incongruency. The question that is being addressed
here is: how does a translator render such expressions accurately and
effectively to give the intended impact in the target text with minimal
loss of meaning, if any. And what if there is no equivalent at the word
level? Can the translator resort to paraphrasing? Or omission, provided
there is no loss of meaning? The choice depends on context and on other
variables that influence both the source language and target language
text. (Return to Schedule)
Reuben
Ahroni (Ohio State University):
A Unique Yemenite Judeo-Arabic
Dialect Despite its wide divergence from other
Judeo-Arabic dialects, including the dialects of the Yemenite Jews, the
Adeni Judeo-Arabic dialect displays most of the features characteristic
of Judeo-Arabic, particularly its integrative nature. After the British
occupation of Aden in 1839, multitudes of immigrants from diverse parts
of the British Empire and Europe came to Aden. As a result, the greatly
increased population of Aden was composed of heterogeneous ethnic
elements who spoke different languages. The complex language situation
contributed to the creation of an Adeni Jewish language dialect
reflecting the many tongues spoken by the inhabitants of Aden (Arabic,
Hebrew, English, Swahili, Persian, Turkish, French, and others). Hence,
the study of the Judeo-Arabic dialect spoken by the Jews of Aden provides
a fascinating example of linguistic integration and the interplay of
dialects within a complex speech community.
In June 1967, the last
group of Adeni Jews left the British colony, not leaving even a vestigial
remnant. For some years, I have been studying this dialect with the help
of Adeni Jewish informants of diverse ages now living in Israel and
London. I would like to share some salient observations with my
colleagues.(Return to Schedule)
Ali
Alalou (Columbia University):
Two Berber Deictics n &
d: From Pragmatics to Syntax The purpose of
this paper is to look at the pragmatics of two Berber
[Tamazight of Central Atlas (Imdghas and the
Dades Valley)] morphemes n (the space containing the
addressee) and d (the space containing the speaker) and
their grammaticalization. The paper is divided into three sections: (i)
the presentation of the system in which the two morphemes are used, (ii)
the discourse function of the morpheme n, its use from
deixis to narration, (iii) the grammaticalization of the two morphemes
with a set of verbs involving motion.
The paper shows that the
Berber language's system of deixis includes several types of deixis
including space deixis and discourse deixis as defined by Lyons (1995),
and that the two morphemes belong to both kinds of deixis. These two
morphemes are similar to but different from demonstratives with which
they share meaning and root. The distribution of the two morphemes is
similar to that of the direct object pronouns (t 'him',
ts 'her', tn 'them(MASC.PL)', ttnt
them(FEM.PL)', tkwn 'you (MASC.PL)' etc.).
The
hypothesis presented in this paper is that the morpheme n is
constrained with respect to the zero point, i.e. speaker's
'here-and-now', but when this constraint is suspended in the narration of
past events for instance, the function of this morpheme becomes
ambiguous, either referring to time or referring to space. The hypothesis
is then that the morpheme n is extended to time. On the
other hand, the morpheme d remains related to the
zero-point, and is linked to the egocentric deictic context which is
speaker centered. In order to show the relationship of the two morphemes
n and d to the speaker, let us look at some
examples shown in (i), (2) and (3). [wt is a verb which
means either 'to hit' or 'to throw something at
someone'.]
(1)
Y-wt n wrba aryaz Y-ssigh
*i
[threw something at-3p.Ms.Sg] [toward addressee]
[boy-Sub-Cons.] [Man-DO-NotCons.] [Hit-3p. Ms.Sg.] [me]
'The boy
threw something at (toward addressee) the man and hit me'
(2)
Y-wt
n wrba aryaz Y-ssigh *agh
[threw something
at-3p.Ms.Sg] [toward addressee] [boy-Sub-Cons.] [Man-DO-NotCons.]
[Hit-3p. Ms.Sg.] [us]
'The boy threw something at (toward addressee)
the man and hit us'
(3)
Y-wt d wrba aryaz Y-ssigh
i
[threw something at-3p.Ms.Sg] [toward speaker]
[boy-Sub-Cons.] [Man-DO-NotCons.] [Hit-3p.Ms.Sg.] [me]
'The boy threw
something at (toward speaker) the man and hit me'
(Return to
Schedule)
Chulhyun Bae (Harvard University):
The Origin of the
Old Akkadian So-Called "Subjunctive Marker" -u
The so-called 'subjunctive marker ' in Semitic languages is
an ill-defined grammatical category. By investigating examples used in
RIM 2 and 'Letters from Early Mesopotamia,' the author argues that there
are two kinds of 'subjunctive' in Old Akkadian texts: the first ones,
iprusu/a which has a modal meaning, I call 'subjunctive' in
the traditional modal sense which you can find as in suramma
sharru:tam d.Enlil iddinushum "surely Enlil gave the kingship to
him." The other I call the 'syntactic subordinate marker.' I call the
latter a 'subordinate marker' because it is different in origin and thus
in function from the 'subjunctive' mood which expresses a thought or wish
rather than a fact. My working hypothesis is syntactic typology. It will
be shown that the Old Akkadian subordinate marker is syntactically the
same as the Sumerian nominalizer. (Return to Schedule)
Clarissa
Burt (Ohio University/Athens):
Recombinametrics of Deictic
Particles in Arabic and SemiticArabic and the mosaic of
Arabic dialects exhibit an impressive range of demonstratives and other
deictic particles which can in some cases be broken into smaller deictic
elements. These small elements constitute a limited palette from which
specific elements have been selected and arranged to create the
particular deictic particles of an individual dialect or language.
Through a survey of Arabic dialects, checked against other Semitic
languages, we examine the structure of these particles, the relationship
of dialect-specific particles with various substrates or contact
languages and other possible motivations, and attempt to trace a history
of the elements of the palette. Complex deictic strings and the ordering
of their elements are of particular concern here. Likewise, the
restricted nature of the palette, and the creativity exhibited in the
recombinametrics of its elements mirror in microcosm the arbitrariness,
creativity and multilayered recombinametrics of language, reinforcing a
modular model of the development of specific language subsystems.
(Return to Schedule)
Peter T. Daniels (University of Chicago):
Byblos Matrix and Ras Shamra Chimera In a pair of
articles (1987, 1989), the semiotician William Watt proposed an
explanation for the North Semitic letter-order (aleph, beth, gimel...).
He suggested that the 22 (or 27) letters were arranged in a rectangular
"matrix" of 30 (or 48) cells, 5 x 6 (or 8 x 6), with the columns
determined by phonetic criteria and the rows largely indeterminate. The
orders of the rows and columns were arbitrary (1987) or determined by a
"principle of maximal separation" (1989). Watt's main argument is the
supposed statistical improbability of the possibility of devising a
matrix with column (and row) labels so supposedly well suited to the
letters. This argument represents a misapplication of probability theory
(and is refuted by co-author A. Manaster Ramer in the full version of
this article, of which preprints will be provided). My concern here is
the absurdity of the chain of five events required for Watt's account of
the history of segmental writing to be accurate. Ordinarily such
speculation could be politely overlooked by specialists, but at least two
linguists (Miller 1994: 70-76, 107; Pettersson 1996: 145-50) have taken
the Matrix notion seriously and attempted extention to Runes and Greek
respectively, so refutation becomes imperative.
References:
Miller, D. Gary. 1994. Ancient Scripts and Phonological
Knowledge (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 116). Amsterdam:
Benjamins; Pettersson, John Soren. 1996. "Grammatological Writing and Its
Relation to Speech" (Reports from Uppsala University, Department of
Linguistics 29). Ph.D. Dissertation; Watt, W. C. 1987. "The Byblos
Matrix." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 46: 1-14; Watt, W.
C. 1989. "The Ras Shamra Matrix." Semiotica 74: 61-108.
(Return to Schedule)
Leo Depuydt (Brown University):
The Origin and
Development of the Ancient Egyptian Suffix
ConjugationHaving been written as well as spoken for more
than 4000 years, from about 3000-2500 B.C.E. to about 1000-1500 C.E.,
Egyptian is the world's longest attested language. A topic that deserves
treatment in a comprehensive history of the language is the origin and
the development of the suffix conjugation. When it first emerged in
writing in the early third millennium B.C.E., Egyptian had two distinct
ways of conjugating a verb according to person, gender, and number, or
just person and number. The first is the suffix conjugation, in which
suffix pronouns effect conjugation. Suffix pronouns are attached to
prepositions and nouns in both Egyptian and Semitic; to verbs only in
Egyptian. In the suffix conjugation, suffix pronouns originally mostly
follow the verbal stem, like .f "he" in Middle Egyptian
stp.f "may he choose." But increasingly, they join a
"conjugation base" preceding the stem, like .f in Late
Egyptian bwpw.f stp "he has not chosen."
The only
other conjugation in earliest written Egyptian was the stative
conjugation, generally thought to be related to the West-Semitic Perfect
and the Akkadian permansive. The stative conjugation is in a sense also a
suffix conjugation. Its conjugation endings are attached to the verbal
stem. In the second millennium B.C.E., the stative
conjugation gradually lost its conjugation and became a
stative form. Conjugation of the stative was henceforth
effected either by the suffix conjugation attached to a preceding
conjugation base, like .f in jw.f stp "he being
chosen," or by a newly evolved proclitic conjugation, the third of a
total of three conjugations found throughout Egyptian history, as in
twj stp "I am chosen." The stative conjugation is known to
Egyptologists also as the Old Perfective or Pseudo-participle; the
stative form to Copticists also as the Qualitative.
In Afroasiatic
terms, the Egyptian suffix conjugation appears to be an innovation. It is
widely thought to have evolved from passive participles. But other
theories have been proposed. Since the suffix conjugation appears fully
developed in earliest written Egyptian, its origin and evolution belong
to prehistory. Postulating patterns of evolution in languages is
hazardous enough for the historical period. The present investigation
makes statements about the suffix conjugation only in as far as they can
be derived from facts from the historical period pertaining to this
conjugation. I believe that the available facts have not yet been fully
exploited to obtain a satisfactory theory of how the suffix conjugation
came into being and evolved.
The passive participle theory remains
the most plausible, especially if one considers that analogy must have
played a crucial role, as it does in every linguistic evolution.
Analogical formations are in a sense mistakes. Languages evolves in large
part by error, as it were. But what is owed to analogy has been in danger
of discrediting the passive participle theory because it is not logical
in a certain sense. It will be crucial to identify that part of the
suffix conjugation that derives directly from passive participles and
that part that came about subsequently by analogy. (Return to Schedule)
Christopher Ehret (University of California/Los
Angeles):
The Lessons of Deep-Time Historical-Comparative
Reconstruction in Afroasiatic: Reflections on Reconstructing
Proto-Afroasiatic: Vowels, Tone, Consonants, and Vocabulary (U.C.
Press, 1995)The developing of a successful phonological
reconstruction in a language family of great time-depth imparts a variety
of sharp lessons, some that directly challenge "common knowledge" and
others that reassert the fundamental principles of the method, principles
too often honored in Afroasiatic studies in word but not in deed. The
first general lesson is that, in the first establishing of a
reconstruction, fully regular sound correspondence must be required in
every sound that makes up the morphemes being compared. Ad hoc positing
of such kinds of change as metathesis and ablaut, widely fallen back upon
by scholars of Afroasiatic, are not by themselves capable of compelling
credibility and should not be part of the foundation of a reconstruction.
If cognates seem hard to find, then one simply has not discovered the
correct correspondences. Secondly, nearly all semantic changes affecting
any morpheme take place within a narrow range of self-evidently groupable
meanings (such as "see," "look at," "watch," and "eye"; or "go," "walk,"
"tread," and "foot"; or similar). Postulated cognations that require
involved semantic histories, or depend on some such supposed phenomenon
as the artful creation of opposed meanings, generally prove to be false,
once more data have been examined. Two other lessons have particular
applicability to Afroasiatic. For one, the northerly Afroasiatic
languages (Semitic, Berber, Egyptian) appear together to form just one
sub-branch of the family, and if relied upon to the exclusion of the
other, deeper, branchings of the family, give a misleading picture of
overall Afroasiatic reconstruction. In addition, Afroasiatic is a family
of much greater time depth than even most of its students realize; its
first divergences trace back probably at least 15,000 years ago, not just
8,000 or 9,000 as many believe. This last point imparts a final general
lesson for historical linguists: the historical comparative method, in
fact, works very well farther back in time than scholars have generally
allowed, provided the family in question contains a sufficiently large
number of languages from which evidence can still be obtained.
(Return to Schedule)
Beverly Goodman (University of
Wisconsin/Madison):
Length Dissimilation and Phonetic Duration in
OromoThis paper reports on the correspondence of
phonological weight (or length) and phonetic duration in Oromo, a
Cushitic language spoken in Ethiopia and Kenya. Assuming a model where
phonology is tied in some way to the phonetics, one might expect a
transparent relationship between phonological representations and
phonetic facts. in this paper, I examine the role phonological weight
plays in Oromo and then hold the phonological proposla against
instrumental measurements of duration. The data discussed in this paper
were collected at the University of Wisconsin-Madison in the Spring of
1995. The consultant was born in Sellale (near Addis Ababa), ethiopia,
and is a speaker of the Shewa dialect (which is proposed to be a member
of the East branch of the Cushitic languages). As far as I know, this
particular dielact of Oromo has not been the subject of previous detaied
study. One way of forming the plural in Oromo is the addition of a suffix
which alternates in vowel length: /-ota/ ~ /-oota/ as shown by the
examples in (1). [Tones not indicated here]
(1) Oromo singular
and plural nouns
a. ?abbaa'father' pl. ?abboota
b. ?adaadaa 'aunt'
pl. ?adaad-ota
c. ?agaa 'rock' pl. ?agoota
d. adaammi 'cactus' pl.
adaamm-ota
The determining factor for the vowel length of the
suffix is the immediately preceding stem vowel: a short vowel plural
suffix occurs after a loing stem vowel and a long vowel plural suffix
occurs after a short stem vowel. following Gragg (1976: 177), I refer to
this as length dissimilation. The observed alternation of the plural
suffix is proposed to be due to a phonological prohibition on adjacent
long or bimoraic vowels (see also Lloret-Romanyach 1988).
The
current research reports on the results of a phonetic analysis of primary
Oromo data in an attempt to verify length dissimilation. Recorded speech
was digitized and then segmented. Vowel durations were measured using
C-speech (Melenkovic and Read 1994). The results are summarized in (2)
where the durations are in milliseconds and represent an average of like
tokens.
(2) Results of Phonetic
Measurements
Plural
gaal-ota 'camel' [=Long stem vowel/short suffix
vowel]
Long V (bimoraic) = 212 ms.; C = 67 ms.; -o(ta) = 109
ms.
nam-oota 'man, person' [=Short stem vowel/long suffix
vowel]
Short V(monomoraic) = 104 ms.; C = 79 ms.; -oo(ta) = 203
ms.
The phonetic measurements verify that length dissimilation
does, in fact, occur in Oromo plural formation. Long (or bimoraic) vowels
are approaximately twice as long as short (monomoraic) vowels in both the
stem and in the plural alternates.
However, in super heavy
syllables long vowels are, on average, somewhat shorter than long vowels
in general as shown in (3). (Superheavy syllables are long vowels
followed by a coda.)
(3) Duration of long vowels in closed
syllables
C-V(bimoraic)-C-V
[-daam$mi of a$daam$mi]
C = 78
ms.;V= 175 ms.;C =147 ms.; V =94 ms.
These results found in Oromo
are similar to the results found by Broselow et al. (1995) for Arabic
dialects. The analysis proposed by Broselow et al. for variations in the
phonetic duration is that languages differ in response to a makedness
constraint prohibiting super heavy syllables. In Egyptian and Makkan
(Arabic), epenthesis and deletion are the options chosen for avoiding
super heavy syllables, while in Syrian, like Oromo, vowels and consonants
are proposed to share a mora. This type of phonological analysis accounts
for the variations in duration found in long vowesl in certain syllable
types in Oromo. The phonetic documentation of Shewa Oromo not only
demonstrates a close fit with proposals advanced in the context of Arabic
dialects, but adds to the empirical base against which such hypotheses
may be tested. (Return to Schedule)
Roni
Henkin (University of California/Berkeley):
Palestinian Bedouin
Narrative StylesPalestinian Bedouins, numbering about
150,000, live in two distinct locations and speak distinct Bedouin
dialects - the South Bedouin, in the Negev and Judean Deserts, speak a
Hijazi-type dialect, while the North Bedouin, mainly in the Galilee and
Jezreel Valley, speak a Syrian Desert dialect. The south Bedouin are only
newly, and only partly, urbanized - almost half of them still live in
isolated tribal units in the hills. The North Bedouin, while maintaining
basic tribal structure in their villages, are long sedentarized, and much
mingled with the surrounding rural and urban communities.
The
narrative styles of men, women, and children in these two Bedouin groups
have much in common with the surrounding sedentary styles; but they
differ from them and from each other in several ways: (a) by different
proportions of such common features of oral narrative as formulaic
language, reality mixed with supernatural, non-sequential order and
ellipsis, by virtue of shared knowledge and familiarity with the tales;
interaction with audience, whose active engagement is elicitated by
direct address, rhetorical questions and fillers, e.g. "You know?";
generally high levels of performative internal evaluation, by means of
gesturing, mimicking, intonational variations, repetitions, etc. (b) the
four styles analyzed also show distinct genre-related thematics and
stylistics. These styles are presented in descending order on a scale
'Performed'-'Narrated', as well as on a scale of descending stylistic
variation for the textual levels of Orientation, Plotline, Dialog, and
Asides.
I. LEGEND STYLE: tribal chronicles turned legendary with
time. This male Bedouin genre centres thematically around cultural values
of nomadic Bedouin and desert law, upheld in the narrative tradition even
when contradicting state law, e.g. raiding, blood vengeance, woman's
honor, polygamy; nobility, hospitality, horsemanship, hunting, as central
codes of manliness, assume legendary dimensions, with occasional
supernatural intervention. Stylistically, legends are dominated by
concreteness, related to concepts of actuality and atemporality,
beginning with the very concrete present tense Orientation. Structurally,
the legends are unframed, needing no Abstract as justification, no
opening or ending formulas; the loosely bound, winding episodal structure
of mainly bare motion verbs is highly performed and dynamic in style and
tempo, controlled by tense and deixis switching, word order, chain
length, V:N ratio, segmented dialog, and personalized asides.
II.
FOLKTALE STYLE: typical of women and older children, on emotional themes,
such as longing for offspring, jealousy, romance. The supernatural
dominates; a distant past tense Orientation opens the way for imagination
to transcend time and space. Cross cultural tales such as Snowwhite adopt
local elements; modernism mingle freely. Structurally, folktales are
strictly framed by opening and ending formulas, and tightly knit by
cohesive formulaic links such as rhyming speeches. Telling is more
restrained, as seen fit for women.
III. DIDACTIC STYLE: typical of
fables or moral stories told to children and to outsiders in a much
leveled dialect. the rhythm is slow, often monotonous, due to much
glossing, paraphrasing, explanatory and externally evaluative asides,
hypotaxis for reasoning, comparing, etc. the dynamic high V:N ratio of
styles I-II is lowered by ample nominalizations and complementations, and
a basically nominal SV order. This style ranks low in performative
intensity.
IV CHILDREN'S STYLE: basically the children aim at
folktale style, but their narration is much 'flatter' with less listener
design, evaluation, performance, and cultivated stylistic choice.
Breakdowns, repairs, repetitions slow down the information flow, as do
excessive syndesis, SV order, redundant subjects, and a drift to present
tense, e.g. 'And then he comes to her, and then he chases her, and then
she runs away...' vs. a typical adult sequence 'Came. Chased her.
Ran.'
Although themes, motifs, even tales may diffuse across the
types, the styles remain clearly distinct, from the highly performed,
dynamic, dramatic legend to the 'flat' narrated children's stories.
(Return to Schedule)
Carelton T. Hodge (Indiana University):
The Etymology
of 'nx[Apostrophe ' = pharyngeal ayn; @ = schwa]
The
argument about what physical object gave rise to the hieroglyph 'nx (S34)
has been settled. The origin was a thoracic vertebra of a humped bull.
Marrow was in Egypt considered the originator of life, as it has been in
many cultures, and still is in some.
The question addressed here
is the etymology of the sequence '-n-x in the meaning 'life, live.'
Understanding of the consonant ablaut hypothesis as applied to the
reconstruction of proto Afroasiatic is crucial to the understanding of
the relationships claimed below.
The ' is the pharyngeal ablaut of
h. The latter is a frequent affix in AAs (e.g., Semitic 'causative'), the
the ablaut **hH (= historical ') also occurring as such, but less
frequently. The probable meaning is 'the effecting'
such-and-such.
It follows that -n-x must be from a root connected
with the concept 'live.' The -n- could be from any number of combinations
with the proto morpheme N. I take it to be from N plus l, **Nl. As N is
an affix, the proto base is **l-x. As l is spelled with 3 (G1) in Old and
Middle Egyptian, **l-x is Egyptian 3x(?), a well known word variously
translated as 'blessed one,' 'shining one,' 'transfigured spirit,' etc.
It survives in Demotic as 3xy 'spirit, ghost,' and in Coptic (BL) as ih
'demon.'
Another ablaut of **l-x, **lH-xH, is historical r-h,
occurring in Semitic as 'breath, spirit,' etc. It is here proposed that
the proto base **l-x meant 'breathe,' hence 'be alive.' In Egyptian this
is specialized into meaning 'a breathing one' as having been magically
resuscitated after death. There are also derivative meanings, but the 3xw
of the other world are those whose breath has been restored. 'nx is as
verb 'effecting breathing,' as noun 'one whose breathing has been
effected' ('living') and 'the effecting of breathing' ('life').
Other derivatives are s3x 'to cause to breathe' and ?m3x. The latter has
at least two vocalizations, one roughly equivalent to an active
participle 'that which vivifies,' *?@m3ax 'spinal cord,' the other to a
passive participle *?@m3ux 'that which has been vivified' (hopefully used
of the dead).
Other related forms will also be discussed.
(Return to Schedule)
Hermann Jungraithmayr
(Goethe-University):
Two Extremes of Chadic: Mokilko and Tangale in
ContrastAmong the five (or six) Hamitosemitic
(Afro-Asiatic) families, Chadic is certainly the one whose languages
display the greatest degree of internal diversity.
In general the
percentage of common vocabulary between most western and eastern members
lies below 30%. This is less than other African or Afroasiatic language
families usually display. The difference often rather corresponds to what
we generally find between - and not within - families, e.g. between
Berber and Cushitic or between Bantu and Kwa or between Slavonic and
Germanic. In addition, evident grammatical comparability is also lacking.
But still there is enough evidence to prove the genealogical identity of
the ca. 150 languages called Chadic, as well as their relatedness to
Berber, Semitic, Egyptian and Cushitic/Omotic. Two typologically extreme
representatives within Chadic are Mokilko, spoken in eastern Chad, and
the western Tangale, spoken in Northeastern Nigeria. Their common
vocabulary lies below 20% and, on the surface, there is hardly any
feature that could suggest a genealogically common source. There is,
however, evidence of a common basic vocabulary, for
instance:- "name": Tangale sum, Mokilko
suma
- "moon": Tangale tere, Mokilko
tere
- "sun": Tangale puda, Mokilko
peed'o
- "bone": Tangale wos, Mokilko
osse
- "die": Tangale mude, Mokilko
inda
The paper will, by contrasting the two
languages, identify a number of lexical and grammatical features common
not only to each other but also to an assumed Chadic Proto-language.
(Return to Schedule)
Olga Kapeliuk (Hebrew
University):
A Special Construction of State (haal) in
Ethio-Semitic In ancient Ethiopic there is a possibility
of using a participle in the accusative for describing the state of a
person during the performance of another action, just as in Classical
Arabic. However, contrary to Arabic, the Ge'ez participle is a passive
one (at least in historical terms) and the use of the accusative case in
mandatory. On the other hand, the Ge'ez participle is provided with a
"possessive" suffix pronoun which refers to the person whose state is
being defined. Also certain (non-substantivized) adjectives, which
specifically refer to the state of the body or soul are followed by a
suffix pronoun. Suffixation of "possessive" pronouns to real adjectives
and non-transitive participles seems to be restricted to the Ethiopian
branch of the Semitic languages. The study deals with the function of
this suffix pronoun in Ge'ez and with the reflections of the construction
in question in the modern Ethio-Semitic languages. Finally, the
possibility of comparing this construction with Neo-Aramaic
ptix-li is discussed. (Return to Schedule)
Nili Mandelblit (University of California/San
Diego):
The Piel (D) and Hiphil (H) Verbal Stems in Hebrew: A New
Approach to Characterizing Their Semantic FunctionThe
problem of defining the semantic function of the Hebrew Piel
and Hiphil (D and H) verbal stems and their relation to each
other has received much attention in the literature as a key for
understanding the Semitic verbal stem system as a whole (cf., Goetze
1942; Jenni 1973; Ryder 1974; Weingreen 1980; and review in
Goshen-Gottstein 1985). While it is generally agreed that the primary
function of Hiphil is 'causative,' the function of
Piel has been under much debate. Many accounts of
Piel exclude the notion of causation from their
characterization of the stem, and emphasize instead its 'intensive'
function. Waltke & O'Connor (1990) suggest a significantly different
account of Hiphil and Piel, whereby causation
plays a major role in the characterization of both stems. According to
W&O, the Hiphil and Piel denote different
causal relationships between the 'primary subject' and the 'secondary
subject' in the causal event (the secondary subject being the object of
the "causing" predicate): Hiphil denotes a causal event with
'active' participation of the secondary subject, while Piel
denotes a causal event with a passive nuance ('passive' participation of
the undersubject).
In this paper, we follow W&O's proposal and
assume a primary causative function for both Hiphil and
Piel. However, we find the notions of 'active' vs. 'passive'
participation of the secondary subject to be quite vague and hard to
grasp. We propose, instead, a new characterization for the function of
each stem, based on the linguistic framework of "Conceptual Blending"
(Fauconnier & Turner, 1994). In our account, the function of each verbal
stem is to profile the event indicated by the verbal root as a
sub-event participating in a larger generic macro-event.
Each verbal root "highlights" or "profiles" another sub-event within the
macro event-sequence.
Causative stems, such as Hiphil
and Piel, profile individual sub-events within a larger
causal sequence of events. Any causal event in the world is
composed of two sub-events: a causing sub-event (whose
subject is termed 'primary' by W&O), and an effected
sub-event (whose subject is termed 'secondary'). We suggest that
the function of the stem Hiphil is to profile the
causing sub-event, while the function of the stem
Piel is to profile the effected sub-event. Both
stems indicate that the particular sub-events they profile are part of a
larger causal sequence of events.
Thus, for example,
sentence (1a) describes a causal sequence of events in which Daddy acts
in some way (e.g., handing food to the baby), thereby enabling the baby
to eat.
(1a) Aba he'exil ('.x.l, hiphil) et
hatinok.
Daddy eat-CAUSEpast ACC
the-baby
'Daddy fed the baby.'
The root of the
Hiphil verb in (1a) (he'exil: '.x.l - 'to eat')
indicates the effected event in the causal sequence of
feeding - i.e., the baby eating (Fig. 1). The causing event
(i.e., the father handing or supplying food to
the baby) is not explicitly mentioned in the sentence. In contrast, in
(1b),
(1b) Hama'asik shilex (sh.l.x, piel) et
haoved ledarko
the-employer send away-CAUSEpast
ACC the-employee on-his-way
'The employer sent the employee
away.'
the root of the Piel verb shilex
(sh.l.x - 'to send') indicates the causing event within the
causal sequence being communicated - i.e., the employer sending away the
employee (or asking the employee to leave). The effected or
resulting event in the causal sequence (the employee
leaving) is left implicit.
In our talk, we will show
how the above characterization of Hiphil and
Piel can be extended to systematically define the semantics
of all seven verbal stems in Hebrew. We will also claim that our account
has explanatory advantage over recent linguistic accounts of Hebrew
morphological causativity (cf., Cole 1976, 1984; Saad & Bolozky 1984) as
it can better predict the distribution of the system in actual usage in
Modern Hebrew.
References: Cole, P. 1976. "A Causative
Construction in Modern Hebrew: Theoretical Implications." In Cole (ed.),
Studies in Modern Hebrew Syntax and Semantics. Amsterdam,
North Holland Publishing; Fauconnier, G., & M. Turner. 1994.
Conceptual Projection and Middle Spaces. UCSD: Department of
Cognitive Science Technical Report 9401; Goetze, A. 1942. "The So-Called
Intensive of the Semitic Languages." Journal of the American
Oriental Society 62, 1-8; Goshen-Gottstein, M. 1985. "Problems of
Semitic Verbal Stems: A Review." Bibliotheca Orientalis 42:
278-83; Mandelblit, N. 1996. Formal and Conceptual Blending in the
Hebrew Verbal System. Technical Report. Department of Cognitive
Science, UCSD; Ryder, S. 1974. The D-Stem in Western
Semitic. The Hague: Mouton. Janua Linguarum, Series Practica 131;
Saad, G., & S. Bolozky. 1984. "Causativization and Transitivization in
Arabic and Modern Hebrew." Afro-Asiatic Linguistics 9,
101-110; Waltke, B., & M. O'Connor. 1990. An Introduction to
Biblical Hebrew Syntax. Eisenbrauns, Indiana; Weingreen, J. 1983.
"The Pi'el in Biblical Hebrew: A Suggested New Concept." Henoch, Vol. 5: 21-9. (Return to Schedule)
Jonathan Owens (Universitaet Bayreuth):
Loanwords in Nigerian Arabic: A Quantitative ApproachThe
study of loanwords has tended to concentrate on their grammatical,
dictionary-like attributes as opposed to their social and functional
characteristics. The study of Poplak, Miller and Sankoff (Linguistics
1988) has shown, however, that the application of quantitative,
text-based methods to loanwords can shed differentiated light on the role
of loanwords in a language. This paper will apply such quantitative
methods to a 500,000 word corpus of Nigerian Arabic. Descriptively the
study has two focuses. On the one hand the linguistic attributes of the
c. 12,000 loan tokens in the corpus (phonological, morphological,
syntactic, semantic) will be summarized, and on the other the
differentiated use of the loanwords according to social group (e.g.
rural/urban, those with knowledge of Standard Arabic/those without) and
to linguistic setting (e.g. interview format vs. informal group
discussions). The loanwords derive from three very different sources,
European languages (English and French), African languages (mainly Kanuri
and Hausa), and Standard Arabic. These three broad sources correlate in
quite differentiated fashion with both linguistic and sociolinguistic
parameters. Standard Arabic loanwords, for example, show a high degree of
linguistic integration into Nigerian Arabic, but are restricted to
formal, urban speech settings, and to restricted social groups. European
loans are somewhat more restricted linguistically, but are spread
throughout all social groups. Besides elucidating the status of loanwords
in Nigerian Arabic, it will be seen that this study of loanwords in a
multilingual setting contributes to an expansion of the typology of
loanwords, both in functional and sociolinguistic terms. (Return to
Schedule)
Jonathan Owens (Universitaet Bayreuth):
Case and Proto-ArabicThat Proto-Arabic had morphological
case in an assumption which has hardly generated debate. Like all
assumptions, however, it rests on concrete arguments. The two most
important of these are probably (1) the existence of case in Classical
Arabic and (2) the existence of case elsewhere in Semitic, particularly
in Accadian. Applying standard comparative and philological methodology,
however, one is equally led to the opposite conclusion, that proto-Arabic
did not have case. The relevant arguments to support this position are:
(1) the oldest attested epigraphic record, Arabic proper names in
Nabatean sources, probably did not have case; (2) disallowing
hypothetical, reconstructed case systems (e.g. for Hebrew) as primary
data, most Semitic languages do/did not have case, nor probably did proto
Afro-Asiatic; (3) modern Arabic dialects do not have case; (4) there are
various problematical issues in the Arabic grammatical and ma'aaniy
tradition which suggest the existence of caseless varieties parallel to
Classical Arabic. The present paper will expand upon each of these
points, and develop a model for the development of a case-based Classical
Arabic out of an original caseless variety. (Return to Schedule)
Yona
Sabar (University of California/Los Angeles):
The Morphology of the Feminine Nouns and Adjectives in Jewish Neo-Aramaic
of Zakho and VicinityThe paper will list and discuss the
variety of feminine nouns and adjectives, some marked with various
specific endings inherited from old Aramaic and Syriac, some marked with
new endings borrowed from Arabic, Hebrew, Kurdish, etc., some are
Neo-Aramaic innovations based on analogies. some feminine nouns are
without any feminine ending, including the traditional Semitic categories
such as the natural-biological feminine, the dual parts of the body,
cities, etc. The native adjectives usually show gender agreement with the
noun, but borrowed adjectives are usually invariable (the m. form is used
with f. and pl. nouns as well). the examples are gleaned from my
dictionary (now in progress) which is based on Jewish Neo-Aramaic texts
in old and new manuscripts, prints, Bible translations, folktales and
spoken registers. (Return to Schedule)
Ora Schwarzwald (Bar Ilan University/Emory
University):
Theoretical and Practical Issues in Modern Hebrew Word
ForeignnessThere are many loan words in Modern Hebrew,
though not all of them are recognized as foreign (e.g.,
sandlar 'shoemaker'). On the other hand, some original
Hebrew words are occasionally perceived as loans (e.g., 'ekdax
tupi 'pistol'). The paper will focus on the criteria that make
certain words Hebrew and prohibit others from being considered as
such.
The word structure is the principal feature in determining
the various criteria, being phonetic, syllabic, or morphological. The
phonetic criteria involve loan consonants such as dzh,
tsh, and zh, p or b
in word final position and f in initial position, consonant
clusters, and stress. The syllabic structure is also related to the
consonant clusters as well as to the word length and stress pattern.
These two criteria have been discussed at some length in the past however
not systematically. The morphological criterion is the most complicated
one, and it has hardly been considered before. It involves verb versus
noun formations with their specific derivation and
inflection.
After considering the various criteria, a scale for
determining foreignness in Modern Hebrew will be developed. (Return
to Schedule)
Gabor Takacs(Eotvos Lorand University):
Towards the
Etymology of the Name of Osiris [Tones not indicated
below; @ = schwa; D, B = d, b + subscript dot]
After the various
Egyptian "priestly" etymologies for the name Osiris, attested in the
Egyptian texts on the one hand, and in the anitquity (Plutarchos) on the
other hand, the present paper aims to examine the possibilities of an
etymology in the perspective of present-day Semito-Hamitic (Afroasiatic)
comparative linguistics.
1. The most attractive theories for an
etymology by the modern scholraship based on extra-Egyptian
evidence:
1.1. Bates (1915): common origin with Berber word for
"old" (he quotes a nominal reflex a-ussar "an old man"). Phonologically
and semantically plausible.
1.2. Ember (1917): identical with the
Old Testament ?ashera, the name of the sacred tree or pole, erected at
the place of worship. in half a dozen Old Testament passages Asherah is
the name of a goddess. Barton (1934) shared this idea, and joined here
also the name of Isis (Eg. 3s.t < ?*3sr.t [outfall of *-r], the fem. of
3sr [i.e. Osiris in his transcription]). Still the fem. character of
Asherah - Ashirtu is disturbing, just like the lack of the feature in
them corresponding with that of Osiris, the main god of the deceased
people, lord of the necropole.
1.3. Re Sumerian ASAR(U): it is
used in the writing of Marduk's name: ASARI/ASAL.LU2.HI or ASAR.RI.
Summing up the research history of Osiris, Griffith (1982) left out
Hommel (1904), probably the first (thus preceding Smith 1922 quoted by
Griffith) to note the same combination of signs representinga "seat" +
"eye" in the writing of Sumerian ASAR and Egyptian wsjr. But the phonetic
value of Sumerian ASAR does not issue from any of the phonetic values of
the two combined signs: URU "town" + IGI "eye" (Borger 1978, 379, #44),
thus seems unexplained on Sumerian grounds. The orthography of Eg. wsjr
is clearly motivated by the Egyptian phonetic value of the sign "seat"
(s.t) and "eye" (jr.t). That is why the Sumerian word cannot have been
the source for wsjr and cannot serve as its etymology (only vice
versa).
2. Our etymological suggestion for Eg. wsjr is close to
that by Bates. The comparative Semito-Hamitic linguistic data treated
below support to interpret the primary character of Osiris as the god of
death. The closest Semito-Hamitic candidate equivalent may be found in
WChad. Hausa shu:re "to die (of animals)."
2.1. It may not be
excluded that the develpoment of meaning seen in Hausa was "to die" < "to
die of natural death at an old age." As for the etymological connection
of "old" vs. "die" in Semito-Hamitic cp.:
2.1.1. Eg. ktkt "alt
werden" (Gr.) ||| Berb. Ahaggar k@tiy-@t "to die" ||| "Cushomotic"
*ki(H)t- "to die": Agaw Hamir kit- "to die" || ECu. Moggodo akehet
"sterben" but Elmolo inikutate "alt" [!] || NOm. Kaficho kit-, Yaemma
kiitu, kit- Mocha qitib, Bworo kito: "to die" ||| WChad. Tangale kude (<
*kut-?) "old" || CChad. Lame kotoko "old."
2.1.2. Sem. Ar. faanin,
fem. faaniyat- "old, dilapidated" and faniya "to perish, zugrunde gehen,"
cf. yafan- "decrepit, tres age" ||| Eg. fn "schwach sein" (MK) ||| WChad.
Ron gr.: Bokkos, Daffo-Butura, Sha fun "cadavre."
2.1.3. Eg. jH.w
(*l/riH-) "kindische Schwaeche des Greises" (MK) ||| Highland ECush.
Hadiyya lih-, leh- "to die," leho "death."
2.2. Thus Hausa shu:re
and Eg. wsjr may ultimately be of common origin with Berb. *-wsar "(to
be) old": Ahaggar iwhar (intens. w@shsh@r) "lange her sein, alt sein,"
Ghat aushshar "old," ushsher "to be old," Nefusa usser, Beni Snus usser
"to be old," Sokna aussar/wussu:ret Ghadames wesser "veillard," Ahaggar
uhar "to be old" (Zyhlarz 1932-1933: PBerb. *wsr; Mukarrovsky 1969:
*uss@r "alt sein") ||| ?ECush. Yaaku -sirgin, pl. -siragde "old" (if -rg-
< *-rw-, Blazhek 1992: from AA *Siwar- "old") ||| WChad. Sura-Angas gr.
*-sir- "old": Ankwe sir, angas n-s@r, n-sir, Sura di-sighir, Chip
wu-sighir (possibly from *si[w]ir, the inlaut -gh- being secondary here
as pointed out by Dolgopolsky 1982) || CentChad. Daba mus@r "old" (prefix
m-), cf. also Hwona suxwurin (secondary -xw- < *-gw- from *-ww-?)
"old."
3. This etymology for Osiris may now be confirmed by the
etymological interpretation of Abydos: Eg. 3bd.w "Town of the Dead" (OK)
> (O) abo:t, (S) ebo:t, Greek Abudos. The toponym seems a phonological
match of the Lowland ECush. root *libD- "to vanish, disappear" > Somali
libD-, libiD-, Konso liBB- "id." Full description of Konso by Black and
Otto (1973): "1. to be extinguished, go out (candle, fire, flashlight
etc.), to drain (intr., e.g. water), 3. to disappear (living things), die
in great number." The phonological correspondence of Eg. 3- vs. ECush.
*l- and Eg. dj vs. ECush. *D (from Semito-Hamitic *C/*Ch/*C^) is
regular.
3.1. Eg. dw3.t (~ d3.t) "Unterwelt" (Pyr., Wb V 415-416)
seems to have a similar origin, cf. Agaw Hamir di:a "to die" || ECush.
Oromo du- "to die," du-a "death."
4. Working on the etymology of
Egyptian wsjr, we have to account also for the "law of Belova" (Belova
1987; 1991; 1993; Diakonoff 1988). The law has proved valid on many new
examples (Takacs 1996). The rule is: Eg. wC1C2 and jC1C2 < SH *C1uC2- and
*C1iC2-, respectively. (Return to Schedule)
David
Testen (University of Pennsylvania):
Some Semitic Feminine Nouns
with Anomalous Plural MorphologyThe portion of the Arabic
substantival lexicon in which plurality is marked by means of the "sound"
endings (masc. nom. -u:na, obl. -i:na, fem.
-a:t-) is quite restricted. This investigation examines a
small set of nouns which share the peculiarity of showing plural forms
endings in -u:na/-i:na despite the fact that the
corresponding singular stems are marked with the feminine suffix
-at- (e.g., qulatun 'playing stick' pl.
qulu:na). At least one of the members of this set
(sanatun 'year' pl. sunu:na/sinu:na) has
cognates elsewhere in Semitic (cf. Hebrew shana, pl.
shani:m) which suggest that this pattern may well be of
considerable antiquity. It will be suggested that the pairing of
*-(a)t- and *-u:/i:- resulted secondarily from
an interplay of several phonological and morphological factors. An entry
in an Eblaite lexical text may provide an indication of the original
starting point for this chain of developments. (Return to Schedule)
To return to the Beginning.
The schedule for the 1997 American
Oriental Society meeting in Miami may be accessed here.
Information on the AOS conference may be accessed here.
As the organizer for this year's
conference, I would like to express my thanks to a number of people who
have contributed to bringing about this year's NACAL conference. As in
past years, Peter Daniels has maintained and managed the mailing
list. Once again, Prof. Martha Roth served as the organizer for
the joint NACAL/AOS panel, and American Oriental
Society Secretary Jonathan Rodgers has earned the
appreciation of the field for the efforts which he has devoted to the
organization of the AOS meeting. Chuck Jones of the Oriental Institute
of the University of Chicago has kindly provided access to computer
resources in order to make conference information available through the
World Wide Web. Logistics arrangements for the conference would have
been utterly impossible had it not been for the assistance of Ms.
Arelis Abatte of the Greater Miami Convention and
Visitors Bureau, Mr. Sean Hewitt of the Crowne Plaza
Hotel, and the kind and helpful attention of the representatives of a
number of hotels in the downtown Miami area. Finally, I would like to
express my appreciation to the members of the University of
Pennsylvania Department of
Linguistics, and especially Prof. Donald Ringe, Ms.
Carol Lingle and Ms. Malaika Omowale-McQuiller, for all the
help and hospitality which they have offered me over the course of the
present year.
Please do not hesitate to contact me if you have any
questions or comments about this year's NACAL meeting. I look forward to
seeing you in Miami.
David Testen
1997
NACAL Convener
Mellon Fellow in the Humanities
Department of
Linguistics
University of Pennsylvania
Williams Hall 619
36th
and Spruce Street
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104
Fax:
215-573-7091
Telephone:
215-222-6799
ddtesten@sas.upenn.edu
To return to the Beginning.